By Grace Farrell
Eighteen year old Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya walked through the freezing snow toward her death sentence. She was a guerrilla fighter, caught attempting to set the Nazi headquarters in Petrishchevo on fire. As the story goes, she was loyal to the USSR, refusing to give up information to the Germans despite the fact that she was brutally beaten and tortured. According to a German prisoner recounting her story, while Zoya stood awaiting her execution, she “…addressed the people. She exhorted them to carry on the struggle.” With death moments away, “she gave her last kiss to her country, the country she loved better than life itself.”
Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya became a symbol of Soviet ferocity, determination, and defiance; she became an example of what every Soviet woman should aspire to be during World War II, someone determined to destroy the Nazis and remain steadfastly loyal to Stalin. In 1944, a movie debuted about her life and the story of her heroic death. In it, her last words were, “I am not afraid to die. It is a joy to die for one’s people…Farewell, comrades! Stalin will come!” She became a role model not just for Soviet women, but for all Soviet people, demonstrating her dedication to the war effort and loyalty to the USSR.
What inspired such dedication to the Soviet Union? Moscow News would have readers believe that it was the equal rights, opportunities, and prevailing unity between men and women that Soviet socialism provided. Whether on the frontlines or the homefront, women contributed greatly to the war effort, taking on roles that were previously considered to be exclusively for men. By highlighting the success of women during the war, the USSR created the model for the ideal Soviet woman, a symbol of equality and unity, one who fought to protect her livelihood, her people, and her newfound rights.
In order to combat the enemy directly, the USSR had to motivate all of its forces, including women. Moscow News made a point of emphasizing that the Nazis denounced the growth of equality, claiming that when Hitler came to power he “at once set about driving women back to the kitchen and reducing her status to that of a slave…The fascist monster is trying to bring Soviet women to their knees.” The war thus was framed as one against women, a conflict where all progress with women’s rights could be lost in an instant. The long-overdue equality that had just recently been achieved was hanging only by a thread, with Nazi scissors positioned to cut it. Determined to prevent a regression, Soviet women took to factories and frontlines to protect their rights, their people, and their nation.
As soldiers in the Red Army, women were deemed heroes. A Moscow News article published in March 1945 written by Colonel Valentine Grizodubova, Hero of the Soviet Union, pointed out that “According to statistics up to Feb 1 this year [1945], 72,196 women have been decorated at the front.” Highlighting women from all different backgrounds, Grizodubova made the case that there was no excuse not to contribute to the war effort. For example “Maria Bayda, who won fame in the battle of Crimea…used to be a sales clerk…yet she became the most intrepid of tommy gunners.” Ordinary women became heroes in the war, fighting for their futures and the futures of Soviet women, claiming that “guerrilla girls…set examples of staunchness and endurance. Indicative is the fact that over 7,800 women have been decorated with the Partisan Medal.” Soviet women became indispensable while simultaneously becoming subjects of propaganda, main characters in the Soviet narrative of equality and resilience.
The promotion of women’s equality became an instrument in the symphony of Soviet success, creating the impression of a higher quality of life for those in the USSR. The women who were managing factories and collective farms were depicted as the glue holding industry together; without them, the war effort would have faltered. In an article from early 1942, Moscow News featured Maria Kudryavtseva as a strong figure leading the charge in the collective farms, a position given to her by the equality supposedly cultivated by the USSR. She declared, ‘‘Soviet power has given all rights to…women…I remember how at the village assemblies in the old days…old men spoke and decided all affairs. And then Stalin said: ‘Women are a big force on the collective farm.’ And…women are industrious and capable in work and have ideas.’’
Soviet women not only became more prominent members of society but they continued to defy stereotypes in production. In steel factories, as the 1942 article explained, “a woman who learned what…was exclusively a ‘male’ profession would in a month and a half…cope well with the difficult labor involved. Could we…foresee that…former house-wives…would fulfill their plan by 120-122%…no production plan can envisage such progress by our new workers.” Women shocked the USSR with their determination and extraordinary ability to take on roles that were reserved for men and surpass their quotas. Taking over industry, they ensured the survival and the victory of the USSR. They created the reality that those from all different backgrounds could help in the war effort, no matter on the frontlines, or the homefront, everyone mattered, the veil of equality persevered.
In the fight against the Nazis, Soviet media also took the opportunity to better the image of socialism, proving that it was the superior system. Shining the spotlight on women’s rights put the USSR at the forefront of the fight for equality. In a 1943 trip to the US, Moscow News revealed that “Many Americans were surprised to learn that in the Soviet Union there are tens of thousands of women with a higher technical education and that many women are industrial executives.” Contrary to the great strides the USSR was making for women, in the US, “a woman student at an American engineering college is quite a rarity.” Comparing the weaknesses in America’s fight for equality made the Soviet’s rights seem stronger; socialism was portrayed as the road to fairness, whereas capitalism was shown as the path to inequality.
Promoting equal rights was also used as an excuse to discard old traditions and assimilate further into one Soviet identity. In the rural Armenian village of Karajan, as a 1944 Moscow News article stated, while men worked in the field, “…their wives’ mouths [were] tightly bound with strips of cloth symbolizing the silence that was the Armenian married woman’s lot, did the housework.” During the war, promoting equal rights began to bend even those who were firmly staked in tradition. In fact, “Old Maktakh Khachataryan, a firm pillar of patriarchal traditions…told her neighbors: ‘If times were different, I would look down on a woman who went to work in the fields. That’s not a job for women… But now we have to.’” Although against some traditions, women were determined to become equal with men, at least for the war effort, to support and protect the Soviet Union. The International Women’s Day issue from 1942 explains, “The growth of the peasant woman into a conscious, active citizen of the great Soviet land, or the discarding of the veil by the women of the East … have reached out eager hands toward knowledge, creative labor and culture.” This paints the picture that women were desperate for their new rights, willing to discard the cultures they were born into. Moscow News was careful to share the perspective of only those who were considered to be more progressive, but what about those who wanted to keep their culture, who firmly believed in their religion, their place in society? Were these new rights permanent, or simply a ruse to increase production for the sake of the war?
As the Soviet Union continued to fight in the war, women became symbols of prosperity. Not only did they use their new rights to help the war effort, but also to start lives for themselves and their families amidst the chaos. Zulfia, an Uzbek poet, was able to pursue her passion for writing while the war continued. The Moscow News featured her in 1944, focusing on her “verses about…Uzbek women glorying in their new-found freedom.” Optimism for the USSR’s future was crucial; knowing this, Zulfia “dedicated her verses to her people, to the bright future they were building.” Only in the Soviet Union could people still be hopeful of their bright future blossoming with equality in the middle of war. Her poems were described as having the ability to “breathe a strong faith in her people and ultimate victory.” The poet became a symbol for equality achieved by Soviet living standards, creating hope that life could continue.
Women were vital to success, proving to the world that they were equal to men in their commitment and dedication to the Soviet cause. From guerrilla fighters such as Zoya, giving up her life for Stalin, to farmers in Armenia, the war was an opportunity for the Soviets to demonstrate their supposed quest for equality. Whether or not Soviet leaders truly cared about women’s rights or used them to boost morale temporarily will require more investigation.
References:
Adamyan, N. (1944, August 16). Village Women Renounce Age-Old Custom, Till Fields. Moscow News.
Grizodubova, V. (1945, March 7). Soviet War Heroines. Moscow News.
Irin, L. (1945, March 7). They Are the Main Factor On the Collective Farms. Moscow News.
Krinitsky, B. (1942, June 2). A Maker of Steel. Moscow News.
Rovich, H. (1944, September 20). “Zoya” Is Stirring Film Portrayal of Heroic Girl . Moscow News.
Rubiner, F. (1942, March 3). Soviet Woman- Frontline Fighter Against Fascism. Moscow News.
Woman Fights Alongside Man in Struggle Against Fascism. (1942, March 3). Moscow News.
Yeliseyev, N. (1943, June 14). Americans Themselves Most Impress Visitor to United States From USSR. Moscow News.
Yufit, M. (1943, May 20). An Uzbek Poetess In Wartime. Moscow News.